Martial Artists of Ryūkyū – A Legacy by Motobu Choki

motobu_chokiBy Motobu Chōki (auth.), translated with commentary by Andreas Quast

Choki was born into the Motobu Udun – descendants of a royal prince – and raised as a traditional Okinawan bushi. After a long warrior pilgrimage, in which he put practical martial arts to the test whenever and with whomever possible, Choki became both the most celebrated and the most notorious Okinawan fighter ever.

In this text Choki, in vivid details, reports what he has had been bequeathed by the elders about the martial artists and their special skills of the royal capital of Shuri and elsewhere. What was martial art back in Okinawa? The answer might be right in front of you.

This short work originally appeared as a chapter in the book Watakushi no Karatejutsu (My Art and Skill of Karate) by Motobu Choki, 1932.

«Blaming a method is the same as asking for a duel. And so, Haebaru put on full dress and the two met in the hall of Oroku Castle, to settle the matter.»

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5″ x 8″ (12.7 x 20.32 cm)
Black & White on Cream paper
54 pages
ISBN-13: 978-1542453462
ISBN-10: 1542453461
BISAC: Sports & Recreation / Martial Arts & Self-Defense

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Oni Oshiro

BookCoverPreviewIn the era of Old Ryukyu, a legendary warrior of Okinawan martial arts appeared on the center stage of the historical theatre. Due to his unique appearance and powerful physique—reminiscent of a wolf or a tiger—the people of that time called him Oni Ōshiro, or «Ōshiro the Demon.»

Also known as Uni Ufugushiku in the Okinawan pronunciation of his name, he had been variously described as the originator of the original Okinawan martial art «Ti» as well as the actual ancestor of a number of famous Okinawan karate masters, such as Mabuni Kenwa and others.

This is his narrative. Gleaned from the few primary sources available, which for the first time are presented here in the English language, the original heroic flavor of the source texts was kept intact.

«I invoke the Gods, To quake heaven and earth, To let the firmament resound, And to rescue the divine woman—Momoto Fumiagari.»

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5″ x 8″ (12.7 x 20.32 cm)
Black & White on Cream paper
94 pages
ISBN-13: 978-1533486219 (CreateSpace-Assigned)
ISBN-10: 1533486212
BISAC: Sports & Recreation / Martial Arts & Self-Defense

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King Wu Once Buckled On His Armor: The Seven Virtues of Martial Arts

by Andreas Quast

King_Wu_Once_Buckled_Cover_for_KindleTHIS is the true story of the seven virtues of martial arts as described by Matsumura Sokon. Considered the primary source-text of old-style Okinawan martial arts, the “Seven Virtues” are admired for their straightforward advice. Handwritten in the late 19th century by Matsumura Sokon, the most celebrated ancestor of karate, they are considered the ethical fountain and technical key to understand what can’t be seen.

This book includes the extremely rare photography of the original handwritten scroll, approved by the Okinawa Prefectural Museum & Art Museum as well as the owner of the scroll. It also shows the family crest of the Matsumura family, sporting the character of “Bu.”

Get your copy now: US ►CA ►UK ►NL ► DE ►FR ►ES ►IT

Matsumura himself pointed out that the “Seven Virtues of Martial Arts” were praised by a wise man in an ancient manuscript, a manuscript that has remained obscure ever since. Now the ultimate source of this wondrous composition has been discovered and verified. Presented and explained here for the first time, it is not only the source of Matsumura’s “Seven Virtues of Martial Arts”… In fact, it is the original meaning of martial arts per se.

5″ x 8″ (12.7 x 20.32 cm)
Black & White on Cream paper
80 pages
ISBN-13: 978-1523685981 (CreateSpace-Assigned)
ISBN-10: 1523685980
BISAC: Sports & Recreation / Martial Arts & Self-Defense

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A Stroll Along Ryukyu Martial Arts History

A Stroll Along Ryukyu Martial Arts History Paperback – May 15, 2015

by Andreas Quast (Author)

Paperback edition: available at Amazon US ($14.99), Amazon UK (£9.79), Amazon Germany (EUR 14.97), CreateSpace eStore ($14.99), and at online and offline bookstores and retailers, as well as via public libraries and libraries at other academic institutions.

Kindle edition also availableUSUKDEFRESITNLJPBRCAMXAUIN

Based on his acclaimed previous studies, the author here presents a synopsis of the development of Ryukyu martial arts. The events described herein are all real, that is, they are all historical. Strolling along the chronology of martial arts of Ryukyu provenance, a large number of verified events are not only detailed, but also decorated with dozens of precious illustrations. As such “A Stroll Along Ryukyu Martial Arts History” is for martial arts practitioners as much as it is for aficionados of history and Asia. It simply provides a pristine ground to stand on for the practitioner who wishes to understand the primordial origins of Ryukyu martial arts.

  • For those who read “Karate 1.0”: this new book here is a synopsis of Karate 1.0 plus the “chronology (Part VII)” without significant changes. It is an easier read without all the reasoning and footnotes, but instead with nearly 80 illustrations to make it more suitable for the general public, and not only academic people.

Among the unique information that cannot be found anywhere else are also some of the illustrations. For instance, there is only one picture scroll that shows the Chinese investiture envoys (sapposhi) and their military retinue. Here, for the first time you might see how famous Kusanku actually might have looked like.

Product Details (Paperback edition)

  • Paperback: 180 pages
  • Publisher: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform; 1 edition (May 15, 2015)
  • Language: English
  • ISBN-10: 1512229423
  • ISBN-13: 978-1512229424
  • Product Dimensions: 7.4 x 0.4 x 9.7 inches
Cover

Cover

Available at Amazon US ($19.99), Amazon UK (£12.79), Amazon Germany (EUR 19,25 ), CreateSpace eStore ($19.99)

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Karate 1.0: Parameter of an Ancient Martial Art

The most comprehensive study on the parameters of primordial Karate, this work intrigues readers with rich detail and insights into these ancient combat traditions, the pride of Okinawa.

KARATE 1.0: Parameter of an Ancient Martial Art. Düsseldorf 2013, by Andreas Quast.

cover (4)

Karate 1.0 front cover

  • Pages: xxvii, 502 pp.
  • Language: English.
  • Hardcover binding in green linen material with gold foil stamping, size 8.25″ x 10.75″ (20.95cm x 27.31cm).
  • Full-color dust jacket in matte finish.
  • Inside: black and white printing on cream archival paper (60# weight). White exterior paper (80# weight).
  • Forewords by Patrick McCarthy, Miguel Da Luz, Cezar Borkowski, Jesse Enkamp, Dr. Julian Braun, Soke Leif Hermansson, and Dr. phil. Heiko Bittmann.
  • All copies ship from the United States.
  • Price: $75.00.

Only the highest quality both in content and production: get it now from Lulu.com!

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Kata Taught by Matsumura Sōkon (2)

“Karate no omoide” (My Memories of Karate) by Kyan Chōtoku was published on 1942-05-07 in the Okinawa Shinpō Newspaper.

“Karate no omoide” (Memories of Karate) [excerpt], by Kyan Chōtoku. Okinawa Shinpō, 1942-05-07.

“Karate no omoide” (Memories of Karate) [excerpt], by Kyan Chōtoku. Okinawa Shinpō, 1942-05-07.

“I never forgot when I went to Shikina-en together with my father in the spring of my 16th year. My father took me to Matsumura Sōkon Sensei, the restorer of Okinawa Karate of whom I had heard tales of. (In his way) I was able for the first time to meet with and to receive instruction from Matsumura Sōkon Sensei through my father. I remember Sensei was 80 years old at that time. The Kata of Karate that I was taught was Gojūshiho  and I still have not forgotten it.”

The year depends on the method of age calculation that Kyan used. In the traditional method called kazoe a person is counted as one year old at birth, and at the turn of the year he gets one year older. Therefore, if Kyan used the traditional kazoe method, his 16th year would have been 1885. Otherwise it would have been 1886.

Morever, Kyan states that:

“I received instruction from Matsumura Sōkon Sensei for two years.”

Or in other words, he received instruction from Matsumura Sōkon until 1887 or 1888.

There is another short info in the text:

“In the fifth year after I had come to Tōkyō, Matsumura Sōkon Sensei died at the advanced old age of 88 years.”

According to this, Matsumura Sōkon passed away 1893 or 1894. Furthermore, this would mean that Kyan went to Tōkyō in 1888 or 1889.

Next, it is said that:

“Thanks to that, my previously weak body became strong and I did not catch a cold for even one day during the 9 years that I lived in Tōkyō, and was able to spend a pleasant adolescence.”

Therefore, he must have stayed in Tōkyō until 1897 or 1898. However, it is also said in the article that

“Due to the circumstances of my family affairs, I returned home (to Okinawa) at the age of 26.”

So this would have been either 1895 or 1896, again, depending on the method of age counting. So there’s a little internal discreprancy within the provided dates. Anyway, this is not a big deal. When he wrote the text, or when he interviewed for the article, he was 72 years old, or 73 according to traditional kazoe. However that may have actually been: just as in the testimony of Yoshimura Chōgi, Kyan Chōtoku also testifies that he has learned Gojūshiho directly from Matsumura Sōkon.

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Kata Taught by Matsumura Sōkon (1)

yoshimuraSince I read about Matsumura Sōkon in social networks recently and about the kata he presumably taught, I thought it might be a good idea to remind Karate circles of an eyewitness account about the eminent master. In his 1941 autobiography, Yoshimura Chōgi remembered when he learned Ūsēshī (i.e. Gojūshiho) and Kūsankū from Matsumura Sōkon.

The following translation excerpt appeared in my Karate 1.0 (2013). Joe Swift also provided a complete translation of it in one of his works.

It is a source not to be ignored:

“At the age of seventeen, around 1883/84, I had reached the handsome age of manhood. It was around that time that I began to seriously pursue training with Bushi Matsumura. I remember the honorable Matsumura had already passed the age of seventy at that time. We served together as royal guards at the Southern Parks (=Shikina-en). […] I mainly trained Ūsēshī (i.e. Gojūshiho), as well as Kūsankū. Since about that time my eyes gradually opened up to the martial arts and an incentive began I undauntedly maintained throughout my life. With Bushi Matsumura’s personal instruction, I was to become an expert myself, and one day my conduct was to become a reflection of it. The years of my awkward age had passed, giving way to a time of life experience. By the way, from the honorable Matsumura I also learned the forms of fencing with the Bokutō, i.e. the saber made in one-piece from solid wood. Matsumura’s teacher had been the fencing master Ijūin from Kagoshima, a master of the Jigen-ryū.”

Yoshimura Chōgi around 1941, wearing the formal dress of an Aji.

Yoshimura Chōgi around 1941, wearing the formal dress of an Aji.

Well, progenitor of the Yoshimura family was Yoshimura Ōji Chōgi 義村王子朝宜 (aka Shō Shū 尚周), third son of King Shō Boku 尚穆王 (1739-1794; reigned 1752-1794) and in this a member of the royal family of Ryūkyū. This Yoshimura Ōji Chōgi was also called Yoshimura Udun no Umē. Umē is the Ryūkyū-reading of the Japanese gozen 御前, pointing to an elevated personality. It means as much as gozen sama 御前様, i.e. Your Highness!, or tono sama 殿様, i.e. feudal lord. Thus it constitutes a honorific term towards a lord or ruler in the rank of an Udun (Cf. Shuri Naha Dialect Dictionary).

Initially, he had been assigned the office of Aji-jitō of Katsuren, and–as it was common practice–took on the name of his fief as his family name: Katsuren. Later, since the use of the character Katsu 勝 within names came to be forbitten, the name was changed to Yoshimura. He was later appointed Aji-jitō of Kochinda district (modern-day Yaese-chō Kochinda), a fief the family administered for many generations afterwards, but kept the name Yoshimura. Rank and status of Yoshimura Chōgi are indicated by the fact that from 1798-1802 he acted as regent (sessei) for King Shō On, i.e. he acted as the highest authority of government on behalf of the actual king of Ryūkyū. Lacking a son and heir, he is said to have adopted children repeatedly.

Third generation was Yoshimura Aji Chōmei (aka Shō Shirei 向志禮, 1830-1898), who was the responsible Aji-jitō of Kochinda district in 1873. Chōmei had nine sons from various wives and mistresses. At age fourteen he tied up his topknot, i.e. the ceremony of reaching manhood, and at age fifteen he followed the emissary Yoshimura Ōji Chōshō–his older brother–to Kagoshima as an attendant. In 1847, he assumed the headship of the Yoshimura family, moved into the hereditary family lodgings in Shuri and succeeded the hereditary family fief as Estate-steward general of the Kochihira district, worth 300 Koku. In the following 25 plus years he served the royal government in a large number of duties. For example, he was appointed Magistrate of Temples and Shrines and Magistrate of Genealogies, as well as other magistrate posts. In Nishi no Hira, i.e. one of the three districts of Shuri, he served as Magistrate of the Police inspector-general, Ombudsman, and as Magistrate of the District School. And as a member of the princely Shō-clan, he was dispatched to performed prayers on behalf of the King for the nation’s health and security at Kudaka Island and in Chinen Tamagusuku. Then, late in 1896, together with a small group he set sail at the Kowan coast during night time and left for the ocean. Aboard the ship were his sons Oshiro Aji Meiryō (1863-1906) and Meitsū, and Urasoe Chōbin. The ship owner and captain was a member of the Higaonna family going by the official title of Ryōbō Chikudun. Two more persons, one Aharen and one Uehara, both came late and missed the ship, but took a later one the following day, were blown to Taiwan, and reached Fuzhou several days later.

After four days and nights Yoshimura’s group arrived at Wenzhou (between Ningbo and Fuzhou) in China and reported to the Qing government. Two soldiers were dispatched by the Fuzhou government as escort. Several days later they reached the Ryūkyūkan in Fuzhou. Some time later they visited the governor-general and the Chinese Provincial Administration (buzhengsi), and presented written petitions, most probably related to the Kōdōkai-undō (see note below) attempting to restore the Royal Shō-clan to a hereditary governor post in Okinawa prefecture. In 1898 Chōmei died and was buried in Fuzhou. In the same year his son Meiryō went to Beijing, and again presented a petition. Remaining in Fuzhou, he died young in 1906 and was buried in a tomb in Fuzhou Xiadu.

Note: In 1896, Shō In (1866-1905), King Shō Tai’s second son, established the Kōdōkai-undō. Its aim was to provide the post of consul of Okinawa Prefecture to the Shō family as a hereditary right to be responsible for local government under supervision of the Meiji government. This included strong local autonomy which was to be approved by the parliament. Furthermore, they proposed that Governor Narahara be dismissed. The Kōdōkai received much of its support from the non-stipended lower gentry which it wanted to restore to their former positions of authority. In 1897 Kōdōkai representatives went to Tōkyō with 72,767 collected signatures. Their petition was rejected.

Yoshimura Chōgi, aka Shō Meitoku (1866-1945) was the 4th generation of the Princly Shō clan, house Yoshimura. He was the second oldest son of Chōmei and Makamado-kane, the oldest daughter of Ie Ōji Chōken from the royal Shō-family. In 1876, as a young boy, Chōgi was appointed Ko-akukabe–or junior red-cap vassal–at the Office of Inner Palace Affairs in Shuri castle, and in 1877 he worked in the royal study on a daily basis. After his father and older brother went into exile to Fuzhou in 1897, he assumed the head of the family and received the hereditary stipend of more than 300 yen. In 1898, following his father’s demise, Chōgi traveled to the Fuzhou Ryūkyūkan for the funeral. In spring 1900, at a time when only a few royalists of the stubborn party were still active, Chōgi traveled to Fuzhou in order to fuse the remaining stubborn movement with the newer royalist movement of the Kōdōkai. Accompanied by Yomitan Chō’ei and two other persons, they met with Chōgi’s older brother Meiryō, Urasoe Chōbin and another person for consultation and the fusion accomplished. At the time Chōgi’s group left Fuzhou, the Boxer rebellion (Giwadan no Ran) in Beijing took place. In 1903 Chōgi travelled to Fuzhou again to deliver financial aid, either for his brother or the movement. And in 1906, following the demise of his older brother, he again traveled to Fuzhou for the funeral. Two and a half decades later, in 1933, Chōgi returned the remains of both his father Chōmei and his older brother from Fuzhou to Okinawa, where they were buried in a tomb in Shuri.

He is the person who mainly trained Ūsēshī (i.e. Gojūshiho) and Kūsankū under Matsumura Sōkon. He is shown in the photo above. As Chōgi left his autobiography which includes his martial arts career, an excerpt of which has been given earlier, a closer look at an aristocrat’s martial lifestyle and the persons involved during the late 19th century is possible.

It also allows to establish as a fact that Matsumura Sōkon taught Ūsēshī (i.e. Gojūshiho) and Kūsankū.

Biblio (excerpt):

Narahara Tomomitsu: Okinawa-ken Jinjiroku. Naha, Okinawa-ken Jinjiroku Hensansho 1916. 楢原翠邦 [友満] 編:沖繩縣人事録。那覇:沖繩縣人事録編纂所、1916。

Quast, Andreas: Karate 1.0. Parameter of an Ancient Martial Art. Düsseldorf 2013.

Yoshimura Nisai: Jiden Budōki. In: Gekkan Bunka Okinawa. September issue, September 15, 1941. 義村仁斎: 自伝武道記. In: 月刊文化沖縄. Republished in: Yoshimura Chogi Ten (Shōsasshi). Okinawa Kenritsu Hakubutsukan 1981. 義村朝義展 (小冊子). 沖縄県立博物館.

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On the Persistence of Historical Distortions

Back in 2004 or so an old picture found its way onto the cover of a newly published Karate book. The seemingly irresistible narrative spun around it claimed that it showed Matsumura Sōkon and Itosu Ankō, as body guards of the king. We already had internet in those days and there was a lot of excitement in the discussion rooms. However, back then, it was just the same as today: People believe what they want to believe and there is nothing one can do about it, except simply staying away from the drama. Accordingly, the invented tradition surrounding that specific picture still lives on today in 2018.

The picture in question appeared in the “Narrative of the Expedition etc.” under the command of Commodore M. C. Perry, United States Navy. The picture is a lithography made from a daguerreotype from 1853 and made by Eliphalet M. Brown, Jr., daguerreotypist, lithographer and artist for the Perry Expedition to Japan. The picture is titled “Regent of Lew Chew”.

“Regent of Lew Chew”. From: Hawks 1857, vis-à-vis page 215.

“Regent of Lew Chew”. From: Hawks 1857, vis-à-vis page 215.

Well, it is said that Matsumura Sōkon served three kings in a row as a royal bodyguard. Therefore, since the picture showed the “Regent of Lew Chew”, and it was the year 1853, the person behind that regent was said to be Matsumura, and for whatever reason the other person was said to have been Itosu Ankō.

The narrative describes the first meeting:

About one o’clock, a very ordinary native barge, containing the Lew Chew dignitaries, came alongside. The [U.S.] marines were in uniform, and every preparation had been made on board to show them respect and produce impressive effect. One of the inferior [Ryūkyūan] officers came first up the gangway with the card of his superior, which Mr. Williams, the interpreter, received and read; the officer then returned, and the regent of the kingdom of Lew Chew [=Ryūkyū], a venerable old man, in a few minutes appeared, supported by two of his officers. Captains Buchanan and Adams received him at the gangway, and were saluted by the regent after the fashion of his country. His hands were joined upon his breast, while his body and knees were bent very profoundly, and his head was slightly turned away from the person he addressed. The prince, it was said, was a lad of eleven years old, and was represented to be ill. The old gentleman acted as regent for him. Six or eight other officers and some dozen subordinates followed the regent to the deck. A salute of three guns was then fired, which so startled some of the Lew Chew officers that they dropped upon their knees.

Hawks 1857: 155

From the text we can see that the regent was supported by two of his officers. This fits the picture, isn’t it? It also becomes clear that the regent was not the king or prince of Ryūkyū, but acted as regent for him.

As regards the regent, I admit it is a bit confusing:

“The Ryukyuan term sessei is written with the same characters [as the Japanese sessho], and in Okinawan would actually have been pronounced more like shisshi.“

Smits 1999: 9-10

This Okinawan term sessei 摂政 is in fact translated as “regent” and in fact served as the political regent for the king. But the term “regent” in the Perry narrative refers even to a different kind of officer, namely a sōrinkan 総理官 or prime minister. So the term regent in the Perry narrative neither refers to the king or prince nor to the actual sessei, but to an official called sōrinkan (prime minister).

Then, who was this person on the picture anyway?

According to the narrative (Hawks 1857: 159), this “regent of Lew Chew” was named Shang Ta-mu. This refers to Shō Taimo 尚大模 (Mabuni Aji 摩文仁按司). At that time, Perry had informed the Ryūkyū government of his wish for an amity treaty and to use Ryūkyū as a base to survey Japan. The task of Shō Taimo (Mabuni Aji) here was to keep Perry and his people in check, which failed miserably and Perry even invited himself to the royal castle in Shuri to see the King himself. Because Shō Taimo (Mabuni Aji) failed in his task he was replaced as a ‘regent’: After having signed the Japan-U.S. Peace Treaty in Japan, Perry returned to Ryūkyū:

“When the squadron returned to Napha [Naha], on the 23d of June, it was found that a new regent had been installed. The old occupant, who had so pertinaciously striven to prevent the Commodore’s visit to Shui [Shuri], and who had also so bountifully entertained our countrymen at his own habitation, had, it was said, been deposed.”

Hawks 1857: 215

The new regent, referred to as Shang Hung Hiun in the narrative, was in fact Shō Kōkun 尚宏勲 (Nakazato Aji Chōki 仲里按司朝紀).

According to the above, our picture in question either shows Shō Taimo (Mabuni Aji) or Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki). Because the picture in question appears 50+ pages after the part on Shō Taimo (Mabuni Aji), and because it appears right at the beginning of the chapter on the first page of which Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki) is introduced as the new regent, there can be little doubt that the picture shows Nakazato Aji Chōki.

The picture shows Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki) and two unknown attendants.

Later, on July 11, 1854 the Ryūkyū-U.S. Treaty was signed. On the Ryūkyū-side, above-mentioned Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki) was one of two officials who signed the treaty on behalf of the Royal Government of Ryūkyū. As a side note, Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki) became the seventh head of Yonagusuku Udun 与那城御殿, a branch family of the royal family of Ryūkyū. Later he was promoted to become Yonagusuku Ōji Chōki 与那城王子朝紀 and served as actual sessei (regent on behalf of the king) from 1861 to 1872.

A little earlier, at the time of the Makishi Onga Incident 牧志恩河事件, in 1859 Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki) was appointed one of the judges to interrogate Makishi Chōchō 牧志朝忠 (1818–62) and other culprits. Makishi originally went by the name of Itarashiki Chōchū 板良敷朝忠 and this person actually worked as a translator for both Shō Taimo (Mabuni Aji) and Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki), the above-mentioned ‘regents’.

The narrative describes him as a young native, named Ichirazichi (=Itarashiki=Makishi Chōchō), a genius, or, rather, roguish Mercury who had been educated at Beijing, where he remained three years and who could speak Chinese, the language of communication, as well as a little English (Hawks 1857: 192, 281). During one meeting with Perry, Itarashiki (Makishi Chōchō) stood right behind Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki) (Hawks 1857: 216). So, was Itarashiki (Makishi Chōchō) one of the two attendants standing behind Shō Kōkun (Nakazato Aji Chōki) in the picture?

Maybe, but rather not. This is because the picture is a lithography made from a daguerreotype from 1853. It should therefore resemble the face of the persons at least in part. And the same narrative also contains a lithography made from a daguerreotype of Itarashiki (Makishi Chōchō). So if Itarashiki (Makishi Chōchō) has not cut his beard, he is not one of the persons in our first photo.

However that may be, together with Asato Ankō, it is said that Itarashiki (Makishi Chōchō) was a student of Matsumura Sōkon (OKKJ 2008: 107; various 1, 2, etc.). I really don’t know whether this is backed up by primary sources or is just oral tradition. In any case, facts are no less strange than fiction.

Itarashiki (Makishi Chōchō). From: Hawks 1857, vis-à-vis page 192

Itarashiki (Makishi Chōchō). From: Hawks 1857, vis-à-vis page 192

Biblio:

  • Clayton, Bruce D.; Raymond Horwitz; Edward Pollard: Shotokan’s Secret: the hidden truth behind karate’s fighting origins. Black Belt Books, 2004.
  • Hawks, Francis L.: Narrative of the Expedition of an American Squadron to the China Seas and Japan, performed in the years 1852, 1853, and 1854, under the command of Commodore M. C. Perry, United States Navy, by Order of the Government of the United States.Compiled from the Original Notes and Journals of Commodore Perry and his Officers, at his Request and under his Supervision, By Francis L. Hawks, D. D. LL. D. With numerous Illustrations. D. Appleton and Company, New York; Trübner & Co. London 1857.
  • Makishi Chōchō on Wikipedia Japan
  • Makishi Chōchō 牧志朝忠 (1818–62)on Ryukyu Bugei
  • On the Ryūkyū-U.S. Treaty
  • Smits, Gregory: Visions of Ryukyu: Identity and Ideology in Early-Modern Thought and Politics. 1999.
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On the Second Itosu Photo

Yesterday, I wrote On the First Itosu Photo. Since the publication of that photo, a decade of further research passed and – not least due to corresponding activities by various stakeholders of Okinawan history and research on the internet – further material emerged from the archives. Literally.

Like this, just very recently and after considerable thought, leading international researcher and practitioner Patrick McCarthy, Hanshi, turned the public’s attention to a 2nd photo of a person he also considered to be Itosu Ankō. For good reason. It is the following photo provided in the Digital Museum of the Naha City Museum of History.

Photo A: 2nd photo pf Itosu Ankō: Patrick McCarthy, Hanshi, believes the elderly gentleman standing in the second row to the far right is Itosu Ankō. Source: Digital Museum of the Naha City Museum of History.

Photo A: 2nd photo of Itosu Ankō: Patrick McCarthy, Hanshi, believes the elderly gentleman standing in the second row to the far right is Itosu Ankō. Source: Digital Museum of the Naha City Museum of History.

I will refer to it s photo A. Photo A is entitled “Dai Ichi Ōsato Jinjō Kōtō Shōgakkō” and dated to the “Closing years of the Taishō Era”. As regards this kind of school, it was is a secondary school affiliated to an elementary school and meant for the graduates of that elementary school. The school was originally established in 1880 under the name of “Ōsato Shōgakkō” (大里小学校). After various renamings and transfer to its current site, in April 1907 the school was renamed and reorganized as the “Dai Ichi Ōsato Jinjō Kōtō Shōgakkō” (第一大里尋常高等小学校). That is the school name given I n the description of the photo. This name remained like this until 1941 (information provided by the educational department of Nanjō City).

As regards the era photo A has been dated to: the Taishō Era lasted from 1912–1926.

Therefore, so far there are no contradictions in the data. The narrative would be possible. But that is the exact problem in much of Karate research: possible is simply not good enough.

There is also an outline of further information for photo A. It states that it was taken in front of the principal’s office of that school and that the photo was originally published in the book “Dai Ryūkyū Shashin-chō” (1990).

Note: Anybody who has that book “Dai Ryūkyū Shashin-chō” (1990), please look for the corresponding page, scan it (300dpi or more), and send it to me, ok? Thanks.

Well, since photo A was dated to the “Closing years of the Taishō Era”, it would have been shot in the 1920s. This led some social networkers to the conclusion that the picture cannot possibly show Itosu Ankō. But even if the photo had been described and dated by the Naha City Museum of History, we always want to check the sources. Not from bad intention, just to get better. A scientific method is to asymptotically err towards a truth, isn’t it? And the strength of a scientific method is found not so much in its ability to detect a truth, but in its ability to detect error. Now, to do so, two questions need be answered:

  • Is this really the Dai Ichi Ōsato Jinjō Kōtō Shōgakkō?
  • Is photo A really from the “end of the Taishō Era”?

As Motobu Naoki Sensei of the Motobu-ryū has pointed out, the description of photo A is actually flawed. Because by cross comparison it becomes clear that it does not show an elementary school in Ōsato, but in fact the Okinawa-ken Shihan Gakkō 沖縄県師範学校, or Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College. This, of course, is the school were Itosu Ankō was responsible for Karate instruction since around 1906. This changes a lot as regards the authenticity of photo A, doesn’t it?  BTW, the school bore this name from 1898 to 1943.

In order to verify my claim, there is a commemoration photo of the track and field club championships of the Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College in Shuri. You can watch the photo here at the Digital Museum of the Naha City Museum of History. I will refer to this photo B.

In the background of both photos A and B we see the same building. Photo B is more recent which can be seen in the description as well as in the tree growing behind the flag. But, besides sliding doors in different position the building is the same.

 

Photos A and B: Excerpt of building.

Photos A and B: Excerpt of building.

In other words: Photo A appears to actually have been shot at the Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College in Shuri. Not in Ōsato.

As has been researched and pointed out by Larry Kientz, on another credible website called 琉文21, an excerpt of photo A has been dated to 1910 and placed at Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College in Shuri (referred to as photo C).

Photos A and C.

Photo C (below) and an adjusted excerpt of Photo A.

Photo C from the 琉文21 website provides the following description:

1910, commemoration of the graduation from Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College (in Shuri). Staff members of this school in the front row from right are: licensed teacher Mishima三島訓導, Sonoyama Minpei 園山民平, Yamaguchi Mizuame 山口瑞雨, Matsushita Nobumoto 松下之基、Koda Sensei 古田先生, Takahashi Seijirō 高橋清次郎. Behind the Koda is Shimabukuro Gen’ichirō.

Well, here the site of photo C (= excerpt of photo A) is also placed the Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College, were – as a reminder – Itosu Ankō was active. There can be little doubt left that this is the actual location of photo A, and not Ōsato.

Photo C is also dated to 1910, as opposed to the “Closing years of the Taishō Era” of photo A.

So I looked for another piece to solve the question of the date.

As has been described in photo C, this person is Sonoyama Minpei 園山民平 (1887–1955).

Photo C: Sonoyama Minpei 園山民平 (1887–1955).

Photo C: Sonoyama Minpei 園山民平 (1887–1955).

According to famous Japanese online dictionary “Kotobank”, Sonoyama graduated from Tōkyō Music School in 1910. Afterwards he served at the Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College and conducted research on Ryūkyū folk songs. And in 1913 he obviously has left Okinawa since he worked as a teacher at the Miyazaki Prefectural Higher Girls’ School.

In other words: Sonoyama was on Okinawa from 1910 and 1913.

Therefore, there is no contradiction with the date of 1910 as given for photo C on the 琉文21 website.

Résumé

By carefully investigating and checking the given sources, and by cross reference, it was shown in this article that the circumstances of photo A are different than it first seemed. In fact, there can now be little doubt that the site of photo A is actually the Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College — which is where Itosu Ankō was active — and 1910  — which is when Itosu Ankō was active — was the year it was shot. These details support the theory – maybe fact – that has very recently been put forward by Patrick McCarthy, Hanshi, i.e. that this is the 2nd photo that can be considered to show Itosu Ankō.

Photo A: Excerpt showing the person considered to be Itosu Ankō.

Photo A: Excerpt showing the person considered to be Itosu Ankō.

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On the First Itosu Photo

Itosu Ankō no Shashin Hakken – Dentō Karate-ka hajimete Sugao (Discovery of a Photo of Itosu Ankō – The Unpainted Face of Traditional Karate Man for the First Time). Okinawa Times (evening paper), February 28, 2006. 糸洲安恒の写真発見 伝統の空手家 初めて素顔。沖縄タイムス(夕刊)、2006年2月28日。

Itosu Ankō no Shashin Hakken – Dentō Karate-ka hajimete Sugao (Discovery of a Photo of Itosu Ankō – The Unpainted Face of Traditional Karate Man for the First Time). Okinawa Times (evening paper), February 28, 2006. 糸洲安恒の写真発見 伝統の空手家 初めて素顔。沖縄タイムス(夕刊)、2006年2月28日。

In 2006 a photo was revealed to the public, showing a mysterious man with a mustache. This man is considered to be Itosu Ankō (1831–1915), the Okinawan father of modern Karate. The matter was publicly described for the first time in the Okinawa Times Newspaper on 28 February 2006. According to the article, the photo had been in the possession of Kinjō Hiroshi (1919–2013) for quite a long time. As the story goes, in 2006, Kinjō, 87 years of age at that time, donated about 3,000 documents and precious Karate-related books to Okinawa Prefecture to be used as materials to research historical facts and help make promote Karate worldwide from its Okinawan origin. Among the donated materials was the group photo in question. At that time, the person in the photo was verified as being Itosu Ankō by Kadekaru Tooru 嘉手苅徹, chief specialist from the Okinawa Prefectural Office of Historically Important Documents. Since that time, the person in the photo is quasi officially considered to show Itosu Ankō by the majority of Karate experts and laymen. Today, all the different language editions of Wikipedia use this photo.

The group photo is dated to 1909 or 1910. As regards this date, one might want to note middle school principal Ōkubo Shūhachi 大久保周八 at the the left side of Itosu. In May 1902, coming from the Tokushima Teacher College, Ōkubo Shūhachi assumed office as the principal of Okinawa Prefecture Middle School (Okinawa-ken Chūgakkō). In September 1903 he was reappointed and obviously remained in this office until June 1911, when he retired as principal (see timeline in: Gakkō Jōran 2015). BTW, in the same year, the school changed its name from Okinawa Prefecture Middle School (Okinawa-ken Chūgakkō) to Okinawa Prefectural 1st Middle School (Okinawa Kenritsu Dai Ichi Chūgakkō 沖縄県立第一中学校), which remained like this from 1911 to 1946.

According to the above, Ōkubo served as the principal of Okinawa Prefectural Shuri High School from 1902 until 1911, i.e. throughout the early years of implementation of Karate into the school system. Moreover, since Ōkubo retired in 1911 and left for another prefecture to a different job, the latest date for the photo is 1911. So there is no contradiction with the 1909 or 1910 date.

1. Person considered to be Itosu Ankō. 2. Ōkubo Shūhachi, principal of Okinawa Prefectural Shuri High School from 1902 to 1911.

1. Person considered to be Itosu Ankō. 2. Ōkubo Shūhachi, principal of Okinawa Prefectural Shuri High School from 1902 to 1911.

The group photo appears to be a commemorative photograph taken on occasion of a Jūdō and Kendō competition. Since Ōkubo Shūhachi is in the photo, the venue was most probably the Okinawa Prefecture Middle School in Shuri, of which Ōkubo was the principal. Two persons wear a haori decorated with the family crest. Itosu Ankō, on the other hand, appears in just an everyday cotton haori and hakama without a family crest.

Well, the majority of the world is happy with the photo of the person considered to be Itosu Ankō. I mean, in the end there is a face to the originator of modern Karate. But there are also the critics who claim the person in the photo is not Itosu. Granted, you can never be 100% sure. 70% of me say it is Itosu, 30% say it might be someone else. Sometimes it’s 80/20. So, let’s see how Kinjō Hiroshi himself described the process auf authentication of Itosu Ankō in the photo. Or in his own words, “As the person who donated the photograph to the Prefectural Library of Okinawa, I would like to write about its origin.” (Kinjō, in Okinawa Times: February 28, 2006).

In 1953, Miyagi Hisateru 宮城久輝 (1895–?) published his book “Karatedō”. In it he talks about his training under Yabu Kentsū and Itosu Ankō (see, Miyagi 1953). Miyagi graduated from the Okinawa Prefectural Teacher College in  March 1916, became an elementary school teacher afterwards and 1921 went on to Tōkyō in pursuit of becoming a novelist. Under the pen name Miyagi Satoshi 宮城聡/聰 he worked for the Kaizō Company and went on to win the Kaizō’s writer’s award with his 1934 publication entitled, “My hometown is the Globe” (Kokyō ha Chikyū 故郷は地球).

Front row from left: Albert Einstein, Kaizō Company president Yamamoto Sanehiko. Back row, right: Miyagi Hisateru (Satoshi). Photo source: Ryubun21

Front row from left: Albert Einstein, Kaizō Company president Yamamoto Sanehiko.
Back row, right: Miyagi Hisateru (Satoshi).
Photo source: Ryubun21

In 1956, aiming for providing a comprehensive magazine for the Karate circles, Kinjō Hiroshi launched his monthly magazine “Gekkan Karatedō 月刊空手道”. At that time he decided to ask Miyagi Hisateru to write an article about Itosu Ankō which was to be published in the first issue (Miyagi, in: Gekkan Karatedō, May 1, 1956, page 46). For this article, Kinjō tried everything to obtain a photograph of Itosu, but finally wasn’t successful. However, Kinjō vividly remembered one of Miyagi descriptions of Itosu: “Wearing a cotton Hakama, and with both legs opened, he appeared as if he walked in Kiba-dachi.” Later, when Kinjō found the group photo, this memory was one reason he believed that this photo showed Itosu Ankō: Because the person in the photo, and contrary to the other persons’ haori, had an everyday cotton haori without a family crest.

Around December 1980, Kinjō boarded a plane to participate in the ceremony commemorating the anniversary of the establishment of his old school, the Okinawa Prefectural 1st Middle School. Arasaki Seibin 新崎盛敏 (1912–1989), an emeritus professor of Tōkyō University and one of Kinjō’s middle school seniors handed him the group photo in question saying,

“Ichiji no Tanmē [venerable old gentleman Itosu] is in there.”

However, he did not indicate which person in the photo was Itosu Ankō. At that time Miyagi also said

“The photo is from the personal album of Tokuda Antei.”

Tokuda Antei 徳田安貞 (1884–1979) entered the Okinawa Prefecture Middle School in Shuri in 1905, the year Karate was introduced as a compulsory school subject of physical education. He graduated five years later, in 1910, in the 22nd graduation class of the middle school. After that, he entered the Okinawa Prefecture Teacher College in Shuri, where he continued to receive karate instruction as a member of the Teacher College Karate Club for a period of one year, until 1911. As can also be seen in “Tokuda’s Memorandum” (see Kinjō 2011: 367–68), he experienced the original Karate taught in the Okinawan school system by Itosu Ankō, Yabu Kentsū and Hanashiro Chōmo, as well as the Karate of venerable Kiyuna from Tamaudun and others, including Funakoshi Gichin, and also the Kobudō of Yamannī Usumē, i.e. venerable old man Chinen Sanrā. In other words: The photo came from the personal collection of an eyewitness and personal Karate disciple of Itosu.

Around 1985 Kinjō Hiroshi asked Itosu Ankō’s adopted heir, Itosu Angō 糸洲安剛, about his expert opinion as regards the group photo. However, Angō replied that he couldn’t remember if Itosu Ankō had a mustache or beard so he couldn’t determine who was Itosu in the photo. Kinjō wrote “At that time I suddenly remembered Arasaki Seibin’s words, that the photo is ‘from the personal album of Tokuda Antei’ and so I thought it would make the most sense to ask him directly.” Immediately after returning home he tried to call Tokuda at his home in Ikebukuro, Tōkyō, but was unable to reach him even after many more tries. Of course, today we know that Tokuda Antei already passed away in 1979.

While Kinjō still couldn’t identify the person in the photo as Itosu Ankō, he remained confident for several reason that Itosu was the figure in the group photo: The cotton hakama as mentioned by Itosu’s student Miyagi Hisateru, the memory of the white beard, or mustache, by Itosu’s adopted son Angō, and the presumed age of Itosu Ankō in 1909 or 1910 when the photo was taken. Moreover, the fact that Arasaki Seibin explicitly mentioned that Itosu is in the photo and that the photo is from the personal album of Tokuda Antei, a direct student of Itosu. However, since Kinjō thought this not enough solid evidence, he refrained from any public announcement of the existence of the group photo at the time.

It was only in 2006 that Kinjō donated the group photo to the Okinawa Prefectural Library. There, as a result of a detailed comparison and verification carried out by Kadekaru Tooru, chief specialist from the Okinawa Prefectural Office of Historically Important Documents, the mysterious person on the group photo was finally identified as being Itosu Ankō. In other words: Kinjō had good reason to believe it was Itosu all the time. He just waited for a nonbiased second expert opinion, which he found in 2006 in Kadekaru Tooru. As Kinjō stated himself,

“From Kadekaru Tooru I have received special cooperation in connection with identifying the photo of Itosu Ankō”

Kinjō 2011: 299

One of the reasons for Kadekaru Tooru’s assessment was that he digitized the photo and used computer enhancement to reveal more detail. When he closely inspected the hands of the mysterious person in the photo he found what he considers to be Makiwara calousses.


Notes:

The Shuri middle school was called “Okinawa Prefecture Middle School” 沖縄県中学校 from 1899 to 1911, and “Okinawa Prefectural 1st Middle School” 沖縄県立第一中学校 from 1911  to 1946. Since 1972 it is called the “Okinawa Kenritsu Shuri Kotō-gakkō” 沖縄県立首里高等学校 or “Okinawa Prefectural Shuri High School”.

Biblio:

Gakkō Jōran. Heisei 27 Nendo. Okinawa Kenritsu Shuri Kotō-gakkō (School Handbook. Fiscal Year 2015. Okinawa Prefectural Shuri High School). 903-0816 Naha-shi Shuri Mawashi-chō 2 Chōme 43 Banchi. 学校要覧. 平成 27 年度. 沖縄県立首里高等学校. 〒903-0816 那覇市首里真和志町2丁目43番地.

Itosu Ankō no Shashin Hakken – Dentō Karate-ka hajimete Sugao (Discovery of a Photo of Itosu Ankō – The Unpainted Face of Traditional Karate Man for the First Time). Okinawa Times (evening paper),  February 28, 2006. 糸洲安恒の写真発見 伝統の空手家 初めて素顔。沖縄タイムス(夕刊)、2006年2月28日。

Itosu Photo Discovered ~ The First True Face of a Karate Legend. Tues 28 Feb 2006, Okinawa Times Evening Paper [2nd edition] p5 Society Section. English translation by Patrick & Yuriko McCarthy.

Kadekaru Tooru, Ikehara Hitomi, Shinzato Sayaka: Kinjō Hiroshi Uji Shozō Karate Budō nado Kankei Shiryō ni tsuite (About the historical materials related to Karate and Budō etc. from the possession of Mr. Kinjō Hiroshi). Okinawa-ken Kyōiku Iinkai Shiryō Henshū-shitsu Kyō (Bulletin of the Historiographical Institute of Okinawa Prefectural Board of Education) #30, 2005, pp. 175-190. 嘉手關徹・池原ひとみ・新里彩:金城裕氏所蔵空手・武道等関係史料について。 沖縄県教育委員会史料編集室紀要(30)、2005年:175-190。

Kinjo Hiroshi (Transl. Patrick & Yuriko McCarthy): Itosu Anko Okina. The Restorer of Karate. Okinawa Times (Morning Paper), March 20, 2006.

Kinjō Hiroshi: Karate Chūkō no So Itosu Ankō Okina Futatabi (Jō). Ichiji no Tanmē / Shashin no Jinbutsu tsuini Tokutei (Again, The Ancestor Who Rejuvenated Karate: Itosu Ankō Okina (Part 1). Ichiji no Tanmē / Person in the Photo Finally Identified). Okinawa Times (evening paper), February 28, 2006. 金城裕:空手中興の祖・糸洲安恒翁再び(上)。イチジのタンメー/写真の人物ついに特定。沖縄タイムス(朝刊)、2006年3月20日。

Kinjō Hiroshi: Tōde kara karate made (From tōdī to karate) . Nihon budōkan, Bēsubōru Magajin-sha, Tōkyō 2011. 439 pp. 20cm. ISBN: 9784583104294. 金城裕:唐手から空手へ。日本武道館・ベースボール・マガジン社, 東京2011。

Miyagi Hisateru: Itosu Sensei no Inshōki. Gekkan Karatedō Sōkango. May 1, 1956, page 46. 宮城久輝: 糸洲先生の印象記. 月刊空手道創刊号。昭和31年5月1日発行, 46頁.

Miyagi Hisateru: Karatedō. Nichigetsu-sha, 1953. 宮城久輝: 空手道.日月社1953

Quast, Andreas: How tradition really works.

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Karate and the Floating Foot (Ukiashi 浮き足)

Floating Foot is a literal translation of the Japanese word ukiashi 浮き足. It refers to an unsteady step, to standing on the tiptoes, to being ready to flee, and even – figuratively – to high volatility in a financial market. The reason is that one foot is not grounded in the placement. The term ukiashi is famous in Japanese martial arts because it was described by Miyamoto Musashi (1584–1645) as one of “the three footworks to avoid”:

“The method of footwork is to lift your toes a little and strongly step with your heel. Depending on the circumstances, footwork is sometimes large, sometimes small, sometimes slow, and sometimes fast. However: You always use your feet as if you are walking normally. The three things you shall avoid are 1) to step by jumping, 2) to step by letting the feet float (ukiashi 浮足), and 3) to step while your waist is dropped. An important thing taught in the art of war is what is called the ‘Yin and Yang Feet’. This is also very important in this style (Niten Ichi Ryū). The use of the ‘Yin and Yang Feet’ means that you shall not move only one foot. When you cut, or when you draw the sword, or even when you receive [block] a sword, you step right-left-right-left, such as if you are alternating between the two poles of Yin and Yang. Although it seems as if I am repeating myself many times over: Please do not step with only one foot in the center line! I want you to examine this well.” From: Miyamoto Musashi, The Book of Five Rings – The Book of Water, Section 5: The Use of the Feet. (Translation by Andreas Quast).

In Karate, ukiashi has been likened to the so-called cat-foot-stance (nekoashi), which is widely seen in modern Karate. The issue gets apparent in the following words by Motobu Chōki:

“In my Karate, there are no stances such as the cat-foot-stance (nekoashi), the forward-bent-stance (zenkutsu), or the backward-bent-stance (kōkutsu). The so-called cat-foot stance (nekoashi) is an example of the floating foot (ukiashi), which is most disliked in the martial arts. This is because if your body receives a blow, you’re blown down immediately since you lose your balance. Zenkutsu and kōkutsu are also unnatural stances, hindering free work and free movement. The stance in my Karate, during both kata and kumite, with the knees lightly bent such as in Naifanchi, allows to move the feet freely. At the time of offense and defense the knees are tightened and the hips are dropped. No weight is placed on neither the front nor the back, but weight is always distributed evenly on both feet.” From: Nakata Mizuhiko, 1978

Motobu Chōki was a person who actually learned old style Karate from masters such as Matsumura Sōkon and Sakuma Pēchin of Shuri, and Matsumora Kōsaku of Tomari. It has therefore been called into question whether there have been as many cat-foot-stances (nekoashi) in old style Karate as there are today. Instead, it is believed that Itosu Ankō, as is evident in his Pinan series, introduced the frequent use of the cat-foot-stance (nekoashi) and the forward-bent-stance (zenkutsu) and by doing so he established a new mainstream of stances. At least this has to be seriously considered in the pre-Itosu <–> post-Itosu traditions.

We also get more of this idea by looking at the Okinawan Bubishi: Among the 96 paired techniques depicted in it – 48 fighting diagrams, two persons each – many qualify for calling the stance a cat-foot-stance (nekoashi). It is interesting to note that the majority of the techniques using the cat-foot-stance are those designated as “loosing techniques”. It therefore appears as if Chinese unarmed martial arts of the 18th and 19th century did not overly support cat-foot-stance (nekoashi) – or “sitting down in the hip” supported by only one leg for that matter.

Excerpts from the Higa Seiko edition of the Bubishi.

Excerpts from the Higa Seiko edition of the Bubishi.

I don’t know about Okinawa at that time but today we can create whatever hypothesis for a combative application of a cat-foot-stance (nekoashi). For example, it protects your groin. Or, it is actually an evasive maneuver. Or, it actually signifies a snapped front-toekick to the short-rib in a 60° angle. Or, it trains your pelvic floor. Or, it looks great. Or, because KARATE!, that’s why! However, none of these add anything to the question whether Itosu introduced the extensive use of (static) cat-foot-stance (nekoashi) or not, and moreover, how much of an impact this may actually had afterwards on traditions almost completely influenced by Itosu (e.g. Kobayashi-ryū), or those influenced in large parts by Itosu (e.g. Shitō-ryū under Mabuni Kenwa), and even traditions not directly influenced by Itosu (e.g. Gōjū-ryū, Uechi-ryū), and finally even traditions of Kobudō.


Note: I  have been asked about the source of the above quoted words by Motobu Chōki. As I noted above, these are from Nakata Mizuhiko, 1978. Nakata Mizuhiko  was a member of Konishi Yasuhiro’s dōjō, and after he met Motobu Chōki he became a kind of guest student at Motobu Chōki’s dōjō. For example, in 1935, Nakata demonstrated Karate together with Motobu Chōki and Konishi Yasuhiro at the Japanese Ministry of Railways. He wrote down things said by Motobu Chōki which Nakata listened to, or when Nakata inquired about something. So it was a classical “taking notes” thing. These sayings were written down in letters which finally were presented to the Motobu family and compiled in 1978. It was later published in print as “Nakata Mizuhiko: Motobu Chōki Sensei Goroku (Sayings by Motobu Chōki Sensei). 1978, in Konuma Tamotsu (compilation): Motobu Chōki Seiden – Ryūkyū Kenpō Karatejutsu Tatsujin, 1993, and republished under the same name in 2000 (page 79 – 98) (中田瑞彦: 本部朝基先生・語録. In: 小沼保: 本部朝基正伝 琉球拳法空手術達人 ).

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Enbusen 演武線

The following is a short text I have translated from the Encyclopedia of Okinawa Karate and Kobudo. It was written by senior Uechi-ryū practitioner Tōbaru Keichō. It gives a quite good overview abut the topic of enbusen.

With uke-waza (defenses), tsuki-waza (strikes), and keri-waza (kicks) at its externally visible nucleus, the kata of Karate also inherently include skills such as tsukame-waza (seizing), nage-waza (throwing), and kansetsu-waza (joint locking, grappling).

In addition, every kata has a so-called enbusen 演武線, or “trajectories of martial kata performances”. Assuming attacks from the front, back, left and right, and performing defenses, strikes, and kicks etc. against a visualized opponent, individual techniques (=dots) are being combined into a series of techniques (=a line). Kata is the representation of all dots and lines systematized as a whole. The course of the footwork used to perform these attacks and defenses are the enbusen.

Envisioning effective and appropriate techniques of offense and defense against opponents from all directions, and integrating it with footwork into a series of movements, the performance of the enbusen is one of the key elements for the acquisition of techniques in Karate.

As the basic forms of enbusen, there is the ‘I-shaped enbusen‘ (ijikei)  which assumes the enemy in the front and back, the ‘horizontal enbusen‘ (yokoichijikei) which assumes the enemy on the left and right, the ‘cross-shaped enbusen‘ (jūjikei) which assumes the enemy from four directions, the ‘all directions enbusen‘ (shihōhappō) which assumes the enemy in all directions, and the ‘enbusen in which the directions and footwork radiates to all directions’ (happō hōshakei). Additionally, depending on the type of kata, various other enbusen exist, such as the ‘T-shaped’ (teijikei), the ‘reversed-T-shaped’, and the ‘tree-kanji-shape’ (kijikei) enbusen.

In addition to the aesthetic or practical ideas of the inventor, from the perspective of larger and smaller training places as well as from the specific martial arts tradition, the starting point and the end point of the enbusen – referred to as matomari 纏まり in the Japanese language, meaning both consistency and conclusion – have to be consistent. That is, the start and end points are assumed to have been designed so as to return to the original starting spot when finishing the kata. However, due to differences in the physique, expressive power, stepping, footwork of the performer, the start and end point are not always exactly consistent. Especially in old kata of Kobudō, such a consistency in the start and end points is even harder to find. Therefore, this consistency might be a more modern necessity.

While there are various trajectories based on the inventor’s viewpoint and ideas of martial arts, none of the enbusen of kata shows large deviations from the standard. Every kata includes a martial performance flowing along the enbusen, and even if there is some deviation, the kata ends within the radius of about 1 meter from the starting point. As a part of traditional kata, together with functionality and combative characteristics, the matomari has become something for handing down information.


There are some things to consider when it comes to pre-1900 ‘Karate‘.

First of all, while the (almost) identical start and end point is certainly a classic feature of kata in Karate, the term matomari 纏まり doesn’t seem to be that old. Rather, it appears to be a loan word taken from general-language and adopted into the special language of Karate rather recently.

Secondly, there are variuos possible reasons for the (almost) identical start and end point. For example, one might argue that it is the result of boundaries, such as in indoor training or when training larger groups of people. This is valid for the era of the conscription agers’ Karate of Itosu et.al. but also for the cases of public performances of martial arts, such as in case of visits by Chinese investiture envoys (Sappōshi), where stages were used, just as in case of musical or theatrical performances inside Shuri castle.

Thirdly, when practice or performances took place on Uganju 御願所, there was more free space than on a stage. However, most of the time there was an audience who were positioned according to hierarchy. For example, the village elders at the Uganju, or guests of honor during performances for Sappōshi, the order of people during performances on stages set up inside Shuri castle, the gymnastics teachers at school Karate practice, etc.

BTW, while in Kobudō the same concept of enbusen is used, start and end point do not match as clearly as in Karate .

Enbusen of "Shūji no Kun". From: Miki Jisaburô, Takada Mizuho: Kenpô Gaisetsu, 1930, page 153.

Enbusen of “Shūji no Kun”. From: Miki Jisaburô, Takada Mizuho: Kenpô Gaisetsu, 1930, page 153.

There might also have simply been an aesthetic reason for it.

While it seems that in Kobudō the start and end point are not as clearly the same as in Karate, the question remains when exactly enbusen where begun to be choreographed around an almost identical start and end point, or if this is just a comparatively new fashion every martial arts from Okinawa had been subjected to since the early 20th century or so. It is true that modern Karate in Okinawa was a development that followed and ultimately replaced Western style military drill (heishiki taisō) in the Okinawan school system. Hence, the enbusen of Karate and Kobudō as seen today might simply have been built around Western gymnastics popular in Japanese education and military at the end of the 19th century. In this connection, and with a very few exceptions, the obsession with a clear-cut personal genealogi-technical tree might best be replaced by the concept of a genealogi-technical bush.

Biblio

  • Okinawa Karate Kobudō Jiten 2008: 197–198.
  • Miki Jisaburō (1904-1952), Takada Mizuho (1910-1987) (gemeinsame Hrsg.): Kenpō Gaisetsu. Nachdruck. Ginowan, Yōyu Shorin 2002. 284 Ss, 8 S. illustriert, 22cm. Anm.: Erstausgabe Wissenschaftliche Arbeitsgemeinschaft des Karate (Tōde) an der Kaiserlichen Universität Tōkyō, 1930: 153.
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Educational Modernization, Standard Language, Karate, and Dialect Cards

One of the crucial pillars of the Okinawa assimilation policy was educational modernization. Students needed to be trained in the standard language of Japan. Implementation began as early as 1880 when two new schools were established to serve as the nucleus of an Okinawa education policy:

  • In June 1880 the Conversation Training Facility (Kaiwa Denshū-sho 会話伝習所) was established as the first education facility for teachers. It was located inside the official residence of the Satsuma Resident Commissioner in Naha. Shortly afterward it was renamed to Okinawa Normal School (Okinawa Shihan-gakkō 沖縄師範学校).[1] After several relocations and renamings, in January 1886 it was transferred to the new school building in Shuri Tōnokura.
  • In December 1880 the former National Academy (kokugaku) situated on the palace grounds was renamed and established as the 1st Middle School of Okinawa Prefecture.[2]

In both the above-mentioned schools, as well as in the affiliated primary school, the use of standard Japanese (hyōjungo 標準語) was thoroughly enforced.[3] At the same time, the use of the Okinawan language was prohibited. It was understood that language is the most critical prerequisite to national identity.

Soldiers of the Kumamoto Garrison with bayonet rifles (jūken) in front of the Kankaimon front gate of Shuri Castle. Following the Ryūkyū Shobun. The Kumamoto Garrison had been sent by the Meiji government and was lodged inside Shuri Castle.

Soldiers of the Kumamoto Garrison with bayonet rifles (jūken) in front of the Kankaimon front gate of Shuri Castle. Following the Ryūkyū Shobun. The Kumamoto Garrison had been sent by the Meiji government and was lodged inside Shuri Castle.

BTW, as you may know, the above-mentioned two schools were also the two schools were Karate was implemented for the first time in school education. While widespread and accepted, the terminus “school education” here is actually a euphemism. In fact, it was a “conscription-agers education” (sōtei kyōiku 壮丁教育). Analoguous to this, the Karate taught at the Shuri schools at that time was not “school Karate”, but “conscription-agers Karate” (sōtei karate 壮丁唐手). This can also clearly be seen in the “Ten Articles of Karate” (Karate Jūkajō 唐手十ヶ條) by Itosu Ankō, presented to the Prefectural Government in 1908.[4] The second of these ten articles, which is self-explanatory, is as follows:

If children were to begin training naturally in military prowess while in primary school, then they would be well suited for military service. Remember the words attributed to the Duke of Wellington after he defeated Napoleon, ‘Today’s battle was won on the playing fields of our schools.’[5]

Naturally, standard language was also a key skill for soldiers. It is no coincidence that ki o tsuke 気を付け still today is the command for “(stand to) attention!” in Karate.

BTW, graduates from the Okinawa Normal School – such as Funakoshi Gichin – would then go on and teach at one of the primary schools on the islands. As regards the quantity of such primary schools: By 1885 there were already fifty-seven primary schools established in Okinawa.[6]

As can also be seen in the Ryūkyū Shinpō (1898/4/25) newspaper, being the conformist state media of the time, published the article “Regulations for Conscription-agers,”[7] giving the details of what was expected from conscripts, including standard language, hygiene regulations, hairdo, punishments etc. The crew cut fashionable in schools and elsewhere at that time was a result of the conscription regulations.[8]

BTW, one of the tools to punish those who failed to fully assimilate in Okinawa was the Dialect card (hōgen fuda 方言札). This method was originally a European idea which was adopted in Japan and then implemented in Okinawa. It is said that the Dialect card was even initially voluntarily adopted by Okinawan students at the beginning of the 20th century, but became mandatory as assimilation policies increased following 1917. A student who spoke Okinawan would be forced to wear the card until another student also spoke in Okinawan, and then it would pass to the new transgressor, with the student wearing it at the end of the school day punished by the teachers.[9]

Of course, Dialect cards are a tool for oppression. They can also be likened to claims in Karate, as has been done in this blog entry of the Motobu-ryū from Japan.

BTW, when thinking about this, I began to wonder about all the Okinawan martial arts terms so popular these days. I mean, there is barely one found in any writing prior to the 1950s and now you can already fill complete dictionaries with them. How did that happen? Did they survive uninterruptedly in personal tradition, maybe in secret, until today? Or are they re-inventions, cautiously begun sometime after ’45 and increasing exponentially ever since?

Biblio:

Quast, Andreas: Karate 1.0. Düsseldorf 2013.

Notes:

[1] Kadekaru 2012: 177.

[2] Kerr 1958: 413-14. Shuri Chūgakkō, variously renamed afterwards.

[3] Kadekaru 2012: 177.

[4] OKKJ 2008: 558. Kadekaru 2012: 178.

[5] Iain Abernethy: The 10 Precepts of Anko Itosu. Translated by a professional translation company. Retreived 2013/12/06, iainabernethy.co.uk/article/10-precepts-anko-itosu

[6] Public primary schools (shōgakkō 小学校) provided education for the masses of the people and were distributed throughout Okinawa Prefecture. The middle school in Shuri was the first public middle school (chūgakkō 中学校) in Okinawa, until 1910 a branch school was established in Naha, which thus became called the 2nd Middle School. The first vocational school was established in Shuri in 1904, followed by others in 1905 in Naha etc. Public high schools (kōtō-gakkō 高等学校) began between 1900 and 1910 and were the highest educational institutions in Okinawa until the Shōwa era. The Himeyuri nurses came from the higher girl’s school, which shows that girl’s education was also part of the “conscript-agers education.” The fact that no university had been established in Okinawa was without doubt part of a repressive Okinawa policy. In this way, intellectual breeding grounds for different ideas were prevented. In addition, the few Okinawan university students, who would form the future elite, had to study a few years at a university in “real” Japan. It was only the Americans who bestowed a university to Okinawa, deliberately called Ryūkyū Daigaku, not Okinawa Daigaku.

[7] Chōhei tekirei-sha no kokoroe 徴兵適齢者の心得. Kondō 1994: 13.

[8] Kondō 1994: 10-14. Uechi 1977: 389.

[9] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dialect_card

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Kyūyō, Appendix Vol. III-154

“In the 13th year of King Shō Iku’s reign (1847), Satsuma conferred husked rice and edible seaweed.”

Since the year of the Dragon [1844], ships from both France and England repeatedly arrived in this country [Ryūkyū]. They made all kinds of disrespectful requests which harmed this country’s own affairs. Moreover, persons from both these countries came ashore and stayed for a long time, even more so since they were two countries [and not just one]. Last autumn, due to the issue of said French and English persons, a special envoy was dispatched to China. At a time when the entire country was hard-pressed and weary, and moreover met with the greatest expenses, on top of being weary there was additional weary, and to poorness came even more poorness. When Lord Shimazu heard about this, he granted [Ryūkyū] the huge favor of 300 koku of husked rice and ten thousand catty of edible seaweed as an emergency relief.

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A Reconstructed Ryūkyūan Tribute Journey to China

Only one country was allowed to travel to China once or twice a year–the Kingdom of Ryūkyū. Its tribute ships were built in Naha based on the construction of Fujian-style junks. The keel was made of solid pine and shaped like a rib cage. From the fourteenth to the sixteenth century these ships not only sailed to China but also to Japan and Southeast Asia.

Its hull was divided into small, separated partitions. Thus, in the event of water ingress, the affected partition could be shut off and isolated from the rest of the ship. The ships were enormous; more than 40 meters long, with a 30 meters high main mast, and they counted among the largest ships with a performance matched by no other vessel at the time. Ryūkyū is considered to have possessed about fifteen such vessels.

A Ryūkyūan tribute ship (Sekkōsen 接貢船) departs from Naha to Fujian (Beechey 1831).

A Ryūkyūan tribute ship (Sekkōsen 接貢船) departs from Naha to Fujian (Beechey 1831).

In spring, around March, or early autumn, when northeasterly winds prevailed, a fleet of usually two tribute ships are prepared to put to sea. Taking in the cargo the days prior to the leave and with several hundred men on board, the ships are finally towed out by an immense number of small boats and grounded off the entrance of the Naha harbor, the shores echoing with their deep-toned gongs. Soon afterward they are placed outside the reefs.

The vessels have three masts decorated with flags of all sorts and sizes. The front mast hoists the white flag of the Chinese emperor, the main mast a triangular flag, red and yellow, with a white ball in it, denoting Ryūkyū’s status as a tributary state. There were numerous others flags and along the stern were arranged ceremonial weapons sporting the flags of many “mandarins”. The prow of the hull sports a stylized lion, and on both sides, huge dragon eyes are painted, watching over a safe journey.

Finally, they set out from Naha onto their ten-day voyage across the East China Sea. Reaching Kume Island they wait for favorable winds, with which they reach Wuhumen Port in Fujian within seven to eight days. Wuhumen 五虎門, or Five Tigers Gate, was named after five rocks situated within the reefs. It was also the starting point for the maritime sea route of Chinese investiture missions (sappōshi) from Fujian to Naha harbor.

In Wuhumen they receive their official trading certificates (liuqiuguo jingong-chuan 琉球國進貢船) from the inspection authority for incoming vessels, and after about five miles upstream the river, they reach the Maritime Customs Office in Min’anzhen 閩安鎭. Chinese pilots embark and navigate the ships up to dock, where the large ships are left to remain until the departure for the return journey in the following year. On small boats, the tribute envoy, crew, cargo, and luggage continue to the Ryūkyūkan, the official trading consulate in Fuzhou and living quarter of the Ryūkyūans for the time of their stay. Here they unload and store their precious cargo.

In Chinese, this Ryūkyūkan is called Rouyuanyi 柔遠駅. It is the designated place of contact and stay for persons traveling from Ryūkyū to China within the tributary system and is regarded a sort of consulate. It is located to the south of the Jingong-chang 進貢廠, i.e. the official depot for temporarily storing tribute items in Fuzhou’s inner port city called Hekou 河口. A Ryūkyūan residence attaché (zonryū-tsūji 存留通事) is responsible for all kinds of official business. Normally, these residence attachés come in December or January and leave one and a half years later in summer.

On the black lacquered gate roof of the main entrance of the Rouyuanyi, a large inscribed board reads “No Waves Scatter on the Ocean” (haibu yangbo 海不揚波), expressing the wish for uneventful, peaceful and secure sea journeys. Another board on the main gate reads Rouyuanyi 柔遠駅, i.e. “Soothing Station for Those Coming from Afar”.

The facilities of the Rouyuanyi are guarded by Chinese military officers called Bamenguan 把門官. Both civil and military Chinese officials move around there, all in all about fifty-six persons, and the military officials wear swords and other weapons. Between the large front gate and the second gate are the official residences. At daytime the gates are open and the Ryūkyūans are free to walk about. At nighttime, the gates are closed and guarded.

The Ryūkyūan tribute envoy visits the local top officials and presents gifts. In late September or early October, he sets out on his way to Beijing, accompanied by an entourage of about twenty people under the protection of a Chinese military escort.

The others, several hundred Ryūkyūans, stay at the Rouyuanyi until the envoy’s return in the following year. During that time, the Rouyuanyi is opened for trade, which is called kaiguan maoyi 開舘貿易. In order to do so, the resident attaché first presents a trade application to the Fujian government. Once approved, the so-called Qiu merchants (Qiushang 球商) are allowed to enter the Rouyuanyi for trade. These Qiu-merchants had acted as official intermediary merchants for the China-Ryūkyū trade already since the early Ming dynasty. Their main task is selling the tribute commodities brought by the Ryūkyūan tribute ships, and in turn to purchase Chinese goods according to the Ryūkyūan wishes. This merchant guild consists of members of ten from among the thirty-six families that had emigrated to Ryūkyū since the late fourteenth century.

According to the “Book of Fujian” (Minshu 閩書), trade articles during the Ming and Qing dynasties included products of gold, silver, copper and tin as well as agate, ivory, spices, traditional Chinese medicinal materials, knife sharpeners, sulphur, swords, different kinds of dried seafood and articles for daily use. No doubt, these articles are not all from Ryūkyū. Most of them are from Siam, Java, Malacca, and Japan, with swords and spears from Japanese production. This indicates Ryūkyūs role as an intermediary trader. In other words, this kind of trade can also be described as a trade between China and other countries with Ryūkyū as an intermediary. As noted in the “Dynastic Record of the Ming Dynasty” (Ming-shilu 明實録), Ryūkyū earned great profits through buying and selling under the umbrella of being a tributary of China.

The Rouyuanyi in Fuzhou (Nishizato 2006).

The Rouyuanyi in Fuzhou (Nishizato 2006).

Besides selling imported Ryūkyūan commodities, the activities of the Qiu-merchants also include the purchase of Chinese articles according to Ryūkyūan instructions. Either they accomplish it themselves or they consign common merchants to go to other provinces to purchase products such as wood, silk floss, fine woven silk, iron wares, porcelain, satin, medicinal materials, tea, lacquer works, refined white sugar, tobacco, tin wares, ink sticks and so on. Large quantities of Chinese medicines and iron wares are what the Ryūkyūans usually desire. The case of a ship with twenty-five people found on the Ryūkyūs in 1701, having come from Fuzhou prefecture in Fujian with commodities acquired in Shandong and blown off course by a storm, is considered a possible example of such consignment trade under the order of the Qiushang merchants. The Ryūkyū trade is almost entirely in the hands of Fujian merchants and greatly promotes the local economy in Fujian.

In terms of the products purchased by the Ryūkyūans, most of them come from the south of Fujian. For instance, cotton yarn of Quanzhou is of excellent quality; velvet from Zhangzhou was already very popular during Ming times. In addition, grass cloth from Yongchun (!!!), porcelains of Dehua, and ramie of Hui’an are all famous trading articles. Furthermore, due to its mountainous areas, the south of Fujian is a good place for medicinal products and plants. All of the abundant natural resources make Fujian an active and interesting trading partner for Ryūkyū, and no doubt this provides the Qiushang merchants with great advantages for successful trade. And it also provides a logistical pathway for connections and items related to Fujian martial arts.

Meanwhile, the entourage to Beijing follows the land route through the provinces of Yanping, Jianning, Quzhou, Yanzhou, Kangzhou, Jiaxing, Suzhou, Zhenjiang, Yangzhou, Shandong etc. From Jianning to Quzhou they travel by land; from Yanzhou to Yangzhou by water. In Shandong, where the roads are flat and the wind is strong, they stretch out sails by which they drive their carts forward. Each time they reach a border town they beat gongs and fire firecrackers and the like to announce their arrival.

In November or December, they reach Beijing. During the audience at the Imperial Palace the chief envoy hands over documents as well as presents from the Ryūkyūan king, consisting of large amounts of sulfur, copper, tin, and other items. In return, the chief envoy receives silk, brocades, and the like. After about forty days in Beijing and with the audiences finished, they set out and return to the Rouyuanyi. Loading large amounts of purchased goods onto their junks, they commence on their way home, using the southerly winds in the summer from the “Five Tigers Gate” of Wuhumen towards Naha harbor.

These journeys took place uninterruptedly from 1372 until the final days of the Ryūkyū Kingdom.

Biblio (excerpt)

  • Akazaki Kaimon: Ryūkyaku Danki (Record of Conversations with Ryukyū Visitors) (赤崎海門: 琉客談記), 1797. In: Binkenstein 1941, Vol. 4 (1): 266-67.
  • Beechey  1831: 171-72.
  • Beillevaire, Patrick 2000, I: 3.
  • Guidebook to the Shurijo Castle Park. 2000: 73.
  • Nishizato 2006.
  • Okinawa Daihyakka Jiten, Vol. 1, 1983: 365.
  • Quast 2013.
  • Takara Kurayoshi 1996: 47-48.
  • Tsūko Ichiran-Ryūkyū-kuni 23, which collected data from Arai Hakuseki’s Ryūkyū-koku Jiryaku琉球国事略
  • Tsūko Ichiran-Ryūkyū-kuni Bu 1. Heikin Shimatsu.
  • Wang 2010: 162, 165, 170–173.
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